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A Banker, a Scholar, and the Invention of Art History
The story of the Warburg brothers
By Ingrid Rowland
The Warburg Institute
Aby Warburg
Like his contemporary Bernard Berenson (they were born one year apart, Berenson
in 1865, Warburg in 1866), Warburg took special delight in the sinuous lines of
late-fifteenth-century Florentine painting and sculpture, aware that these works
had been inspired in turn by the era’s reawakened interest in ancient art
(including the remains of frescoed walls as well as works of sculpture in marble
and bronze). Both men revered Botticelli, and Warburg also admired
Botticelli’s contemporary Ghirlandaio. (Baroque artists such as Bernini,
Borromini, and Caravaggio struck them both as monstrous corruptors of the
classical ideal.) Warburg particularly loved a frescoed maiden by Ghirlandaio
from the Tornabuoni Chapel in Santa Maria Novella in Florence, who virtually
dances into a room with a tray of fruit on her head, her dress and veil
billowing gracefully behind her. Unlike Lessing’s tortured Laocoön, with its
agonized beauty, this nymph’s Pathosformel was Warburg’s formula for sheer
bliss.
Both Berenson and Warburg hoped to give the study of art an objective, even
scientific basis. For Berenson, the key to scholarly rigor lay in the close
analysis of visual details: if an artist drew an ear in a certain way, then he
would continue to draw an ear in that way, and his work could be identified by a
series of these characteristic touches. Warburg, like contemporary classical
scholars such as Jane Harrison and Francis Cornford, turned to the new field of
anthropology. In 1895, he sailed to the United States to attend the wedding of
his brother Felix (the three younger Warburg brothers all emigrated to New York,
with triumphant success). Appalled by what he considered the barbarity of New
York society, Aby escaped for two weeks in 1896 to the deserts of New Mexico.
Clad for the occasion in cowboy hat and bandanna above his three-piece suit (all
the Warburgs were dapper dressers), he visited several Hopi pueblos in New
Mexico and watched a snake-handling ceremony. He recounted a fairy tale from the
brothers Grimm to a group of Hopi schoolchildren and asked them afterward to
draw a bolt of lightning. He was thrilled when two of them portrayed an
arrow-headed snake, the traditional Hopi symbol, rather than a visually accurate
zigzag. The eager young scholar could want no more vivid proof of the enduring
grip that symbols had on the human mind.
In 1904, Aby and Mary Warburg moved into a new house at 114 Heilwigstrasse to
accommodate their three young children and Aby’s nine thousand books (by 1926,
however, the library required its own separate building). Ornamental brickwork
traced out the letters K B W on the façade; and with the blessing of brother
Max, the Kulturwissenschaftliche Bibliothek Warburg came into being. Max Warburg
is one of several unsung heroes in Levine’s epic. Since he stuck so
steadfastly (and selflessly) to banking and public service, he is not essential
to the intellectual history of the Hamburg School, but he was its bulwark all
the same. (Ron Chernow’s The Warburgs gives Max his due.) Aby, small, in
precarious mental and physical health, was always dependent on the help of
others, from legions of household servants to his far-seeing, long-suffering
wife, Mary, to the two people who eventually kept his library running for
risible salaries: Fritz Saxl, an Austrian graduate student in art history with
an abiding interest in astrology, hired in 1911 as librarian, and Gertrud Bing,
a student of philosophy who came to Hamburg to work with Ernst Cassirer, the
first professor to be appointed, in 1919, by the brand-new University of
Hamburg.
Attracting the internationally renowned Cassirer was a grand coup for Hamburg, a
splendid way to announce a new school moving in new directions. A decade later,
at fifty-five, he would become the first Jewish rector of a German university.
But by then conditions for Jews were changing rapidly for the worse. Cassirer
belonged to a group of German philosophers, many of them Jewish, who had begun
to draw fresh inspiration from Kant, who conceived his transcendent ideas about
the human capacity for reason and social justice while pacing the streets of his
native Königsberg. By extending Kant’s rational philosophy, the neo-Kantians
hoped to blaze a political “third way” between the extremes of Marxism and
capitalism, an effort to which the stately Cassirer contributed by his manner as
well as his ideas. A gifted writer with a bent for history, he made his
reputation with a series of comprehensive books on large topics: The Problem of
Knowledge (1906–1950), a multi-volume history of philosophy from the
Renaissance to his own time, Substance and Function (1910), Freedom and Form
(1916), and Kant’s Life and Thought (1918), all written as a private lecturer
at the University of Berlin, the usual position for Jewish scholars in the
German system of higher education. The invitation to take up a real professorial
chair in Hamburg was thus a change of immense significance in his life, in the
history of Hamburg’s university, and in the German world of higher education.
In the wake of World War I, Cassirer had begun to lose his faith in reason and
the neo-Kantian rational view of human behavior. Inspired in part by his friend
Albert Einstein’s explorations of physical relativity and in part by his own
strong spiritual bent, he turned to the investigation of myth and what he termed
“symbols created by intellect itself” to find a way to reconcile science and
aesthetics. By 1921, he had coined the phrase “symbolic form” as a way of
accounting for the distinctions between sense and intellect. It was in this
restless, receptive state of mind that he came into contact with Aby Warburg and
his remarkable library.
He met the library first, through his acquaintance with Saxl; the savagery of
the war had sent Aby into a deep depression and a series of sanitariums. In
1924, Saxl arranged a meeting between the two men, an occasion of tremendous
significance for both. As the Warburg library provided Cassirer with a means to
articulate his complicated thoughts, Cassirer’s compassionate companionship
guided Aby back to health. The relationships were never simple. Warburg’s
mental agitation had squelched his scholarly productivity, which led him to
idolize Cassirer and resent Saxl, who had kept the library going throughout
Aby’s stays in the hospital. Cassirer regarded the Warburg Library as a
virtual portrait of his own mind, a place where Einstein, Freud, and modern
anthropology could keep company with the ancient Greeks and Romans.