B"H
Jewish Tours
Buenos Aires, Argentina
After 21 Years of Impunity, Trial on Terrorist Attack
Cover-up in Argentina Begins
Posted: 08/06/2015 6:47 pm EDT Updated: 08/06/2015
10:59 pm EDT
On July 18, 1994, a bombing at the AMIA, Buenos Aires'
largest Jewish community center, killed 85 people and injured hundreds. No one
was convicted of this crime and the original judicial probe was riddled with
irregularities. This January, the AMIA grabbed headlines again when Alberto
Nisman, Argentina's special prosecutor on the case, was found dead in his
apartment. His apparent suicide--yet to be confirmed as such--is the latest
episode in 21 years of impunity in which the global War on Terror meets the
local legacies of state-sponsored crimes against humanity.
The AMIA blast came two years
after an attack on the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires that killed 29 people,
and was never punished. In 2004, judges declared a mistrial in the AMIA bombing,
and evidence gathered over the years points to a conspiracy between politicians,
judicial officials and intelligence agents to bury the truth. After years of
delays, a whole new trial began on Thursday in which officials from former
Argentine President Carlos Menem on down will finally be tried for orchestrating
a cover-up in the bombing investigation. Much is at stake for the victims, for
Argentine society, and for its democratic institutions.
The evidence that will be
presented should elucidate the domestic and international forces that
contributed to two decades of impunity, starting with the geopolitical interests
at play in the judicial probe of the attack. At the time, the United States and
Israel insistently singled out Iran as the lone sponsor of global terrorism. And
in the 1990s, the Argentine government sought to strengthen ties with the United
States, describing the bilateral links as "carnal relations."
The AMIA investigation,
influenced by Washington and Tel Aviv through the collaboration of their
intelligence agencies, focused on Iran's possible involvement and systematically
disregarded any clues pointing toward Syria. According to Memoria Activa, one
group of AMIA victims and their relatives, the investigation of an initial
suspect of Syrian descent whose family was friendly with President Menem's own
was quickly dropped. After that, only members of the Lebanese guerrilla group
Hezbollah and Iranian citizens were accused of involvement on a global scale.
The trial should also expose
the shady relations between Argentine spies, politicians, prosecutors and
judges. The judge leading the original probe, Juan José Galeano, used $400,000
from an intelligence slush fund to pay a key suspect, allegedly so that he would
provide false testimony to implicate provincial police officers in the attack.
By all appearances, this so-called "local connection" was invented as a
scapegoat; all of the police officers facing trial were acquitted in 2004.
Part of the problem lies with
Argentina's intelligence apparatus, which helped torture, kidnap and kill
thousands of dissidents during the 1976-1983 dictatorship. This military regime
had backing from the United States, which supported several dictatorships in the
region. Until recently, Argentina's intelligence agency had barely been reformed
and feeble political oversight ensured that agents operated with great autonomy.
At the same time, the federal
justice system has come to rely on the intelligence agency's wiretaps to gather
evidence, producing an unhealthy interdependence between some intelligence
agents, prosecutors and judges. Plus, politicians often use these same wiretaps
against their opponents and critics. The delays in the AMIA cover-up trial and
the behavior of several suspiciously sluggish state prosecutors may be explained
by these extortive measures, corrupt collusion, or just plain indolence.
Nisman's prosecution also
depended on the intelligence agency's wiretaps and other spy-fed information, as
well as Israeli and U.S. intelligence. Just days before he died, Nisman relied
almost exclusively on those sources to accuse Argentina's current president and
foreign minister of plotting to ensure that Iran would no longer be implicated
in the AMIA bombing. His accusation was dismissed by many legal experts and
eventually thrown out by the courts.
In 2005, after our
organization helped Memoria Activa take its case to the Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights, the Argentine government recognized the state's
responsibility for failing to prevent the AMIA attack and botching the
investigation. Amid the fallout from Nisman's death ten years later, promised
reforms including overhaul of the intelligence law were finally approved. The
Intelligence Secretariat was recently disbanded, wiretapping is now overseen by
the Attorney General's Office, and greater administrative and congressional
oversight of spies is expected. This reform is a crucial first step, but deeper
changes are needed.
After years of frustration and disappointment, AMIA
victims and their families, will finally get to see Menem, a former intelligence
chief, ex-judge Galeano, two former federal prosecutors, a high-ranking federal
police chief, and seven others stand trial. The courtroom revelations could
drive more needed changes in Argentina's institutions and public policies--but
that is no substitute for truth and justice. We have waited far too long.
Follow Gastón Chillier on
Twitter: www.twitter.com/gchillier
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/gastan-chillier/after-21-years-of-impunit_b_7952392.html
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